Woolwich inconsistencies

Posted: May 24, 2013 in Uncategorized

This week, British soldier Lee Rigby was murdered in broad daylight on the streets of Woolwich.  The response has been staggering to observe on social media, as it was always likely to be, given the general veneration that the British public hold for their armed forces.  The EDL decided to go on patrol in Woolwich on the day of the event, UKIP supporters have been out in force on Twitter and closet racists have seen these events as an opportunity to come crawling out of the woodwork.  The shift into such nationalist thinking is concerning enough, but for me, the most alarming thing about the Woolwich attacks is attempting to reconcile the nature of the attack with the state of the assailants after the events.

The following is a ten minute interview with an eyewitness, clearly in some distress, who describes the graphic nature of the attack.  He talks of the assailants hacking the victim, trying to remove organs and claiming that the scene was like a horror movie.  Other reports from the day suggested that the victim had been decapitated.

Contrast that with these pictures of the attackers, post-attack.

Attacker one explaining political motives with bloody implements and hands. No blood on coat.

Here’s a shot of the other assailant, again post-attack.

Beige coat, no indication of any blood spatter

Despite being the perpetrators in a bloody attack, both assailants have managed to keep clean clothing.  It’s only Michael Adebolajo who shows any sign of being involved in a bloody attack, with his hands and implements caked in blood.

Here’s where it gets really interesting.

This video, from YouTube, depicting Michael Adebolajo during the same rant, doesn’t appear to show blood on his hands.  Most of the newspaper pictures and TV footage of the same event do show blood.  There is also no blood on the knives.

What is going on here?

 

The British news has been flooded with reports of the death of Margaret Thatcher, former leader of the Conservative Party and Prime Minister between 1979 and 1990. Public sentiment is mixed; reflecting the highly divisive nature of the woman, her policies and in many cases, the divisions she created in the country at the time.

Brixton, Liverpool and Glasgow infamously had informal gatherings to mark her passing, provoking much criticism amongst Thatcher’s stalwart supporters. Much of the press coverage and social chatter is merely a reaction to a reaction. “How dare people disrespect the dead?!”. The uncharitable may suggest that it provides a rare opportunity for Thatcher’s supporters to care about something. Personally, I find it to be a massive double standard. The right did not hold back when Hugo Chavez went to his grave, and they seemingly have no problem with demonising live unfortunates today. Such commentary is gratuitous, self-indulgent and diverts attention from the genuine issue of Thatcher’s legacy to the Britain of today.

Conversations with people who were adults in the seventies usually end up with the same sentiment being expressed – “Someone needed to sort the unions out”. My memories of the 1970s largely consist of being a toddler and terrible terrible wallpaper; I’m not in a position to argue that point. I accept that something needed to be done to normalise industrial relations. I can’t accept that Thatcher’s chosen path was the only way to achieve it.

A good example of a gratuitous Thatcher policy was the privatisation of public industry. The British people were told that it would be less expensive, offer more competition and that it was impossible to run nationalised industries anyway. These claims were as untrue now as they were then. In 2012, EDF, owned by the sovereign state of France, posted £1.6billion profit for the UK alone. Thanks to privatisation, the UK energy consumer is subsidising French government spending, when it could be using those revenues internally. How, under any stretch of the imagination, was this a good deal for the British people? Approaching the same thing from a different angle, what right-minded capitalist would EVER dispense with a permanent money spinner such as power generation?

The privatisation of the rail network, initiated by Thatcher and completed by Major, has been another disaster for the consumer. The commuter faces above inflation rises every year for the privilege of being crammed into a packed train, while the tax-payer subsidises the part of the industry that doesn’t make any money.

Thatcher was a disaster in other policy areas. Her solution to the industrial relations problem was to destroy industry. To provide some balance, the manufacturing sector was in decline, but when something is broken – you fix or replace it; not destroy it without consideration for what comes next.

Today, manufacturing represents less than 10% of GDP. We’ve transitioned from a capitalist economy which owned the means of production to an outsourced economy which does not, with little prospect of reversing the balance of payments in this brave new globalist economy.

Right-to-buy was arguably Thatcher’s most popular policy, yet it’s another example of destruction without restoration. Councils were never allowed to reinvest in new social housing stock; the paltry discounted revenues that they received for their stock had to be used to pay back debt to central government.

Those on the right love to talk about Gordon Brown spending the UK gold reserves, for two reasons. First, it perpetuates the myth that all Labour can do is spend, spend, spend. Second, it implies that the previous government were economically competent. There was, after all, gold in the bank to spend. I’ve got some sympathy with the first view, but utterly reject the second.

Anyone will have more cash in the bank if they sell all their assets. The problem with this particular get-rich-quick scheme is that you cannot use your assets once sold, which is precisely the situation that Thatcher’s gratuitous privatisation plans placed us in. She wasn’t economically competent. Aptly enough for a shopkeeper’s daughter, all she was able to do was sell, sell, sell.

Thatcher’s government constituted the largest act of theft from the British people since the land-grabs of the 19th century, orchestrating the systematic transfer of prized national assets from public ownership to nascent corporate kingdoms, muddying simple propositions like “we need to generate electricity for our people” into “we need to generate profits for our shareholders”.

It is unfair to lay all of this on the late PM. We have had four Prime Ministers since. They’ve all built on Thatcher’s policies. Major completed Thatcher’s proposed nationalisation of the rail network, Blair wasted billions in PFI contracts and Brown borrowed billions to buy back into a game at the financial services casino. Cameron just seems intent on completing Thatcher’s dream of destroying the state.

As a resident of the North, I can completely understand the anger directed at Margaret Thatcher. I can’t say its unwarranted, but I can say that it is wasted and somewhat misses the point. The Iron Lady may no longer be amongst us, but her ideas remain, mutating and threatening to infect every part of British life.

The best way to stick two fingers up to this departed icon is to rebuild what she destroyed, to have meaningful communities where you trust your neighbours, help the unfortunate  rather than demonise them, and put the needs of the many ahead of shareholders and central banks.

Thatcher may have started the asset-stripping, yet she’s been absent from political life for 23 years and the practice carries on regardless. I’m going to constrain my ire to the bastards that are robbing us now, rather than those that were robbing us then. I invite you all to do the same.

Some time ago, I blogged about experiences with Europcar customer services.  It’s a bit of a saga – you can find all the links here ( pt1, pt2, pt3, pt4 ).  Last time, I spent some time poring over the numerous inconsistencies of their Vehicle Check In Document and moaning about the fact that Europcar still had some of my money, £152 to be exact.

While this blog has been relatively silent on the subject, I’ve been working away in the background to secure a result.  Specifically, I sent a letter to Europcar charging them for my time in pursuing this matter.  I gave them seven working days to respond and returned the useless £30 in money off vouchers.  In typical Europcar fashion, the response was actually a long time in coming, but I received a letter today confirming that the final £152 that I am still owed will be paid back.  Here’s how they finished the response up:-

In conclusion, I can confirm that a refund of £152.00 has today been processed to your Visa Card and these funds will clear to this account within the next 10 working days.  With regard to your request for further compensation, I must respectfully decline this and advise that no further credits will be processed in respect of this manner and this is our final decision.

I’m not particularly convinced that this is their final decision, by the way.  I’ve seen it all before.  This is the last decision I received:-

In conclusion and with thorough investigation of the facts, I will not be able to consider any further refund of the damage charge, however as a result of your useful feedback I have however, sent you £30 in money off vouchers as a thank you for taking the time to make us aware of your experience.

So, all sorted? I have all my money back; some would consider that a result – until you consider the time spent pursuing money that should never have been taken.  That doesn’t come for free – every hour I have spent in pursuit of this claim is a hour I could have spent on paying work, which is something that Europcar seem to have forgotten.  Perhaps they work for free fuelled by nothing but altruistic fervour, but I certainly do not and neither do most of their customers.  Perhaps they think that the loss of earnings figures I have sent them are north of the mark, yet  I have signed and sealed contracts that prove it.  Perhaps they think I haven’t spent as much time chasing this as I claim.  I can prove that too – pretty much every post or tweet I’ve sent on this has been timed, dated and recorded for posterity.

I am going to have a long think over the coming days about whether to take this further.  As I said before, every pound that has been taken has been returned.  The issue now is that Europcar believes my time is worth nothing, not a great supposition to factor into any “final decision”.

 

 

It has been a mere 26 months since the 2010 general election.  It feels a lot longer, particularly now that the Conservative Party are already setting out their stall for life beyond 2015 – but in truth, we’re not even halfway into this Government.  One of the recurring themes of the coalition Government is constitutional reform.  The Lib Dems are very keen on it.  Their Conservative partners are somewhat less so.  Just over a year ago, the country was able to vote on changing the electoral system.  In the dying days of this Parliament, the government is trying to push through Lords Reform.    At the heart of both proposed reforms, the question of selection and eligibility is key.  The AV referendum was all about trying to return Members of Parliament with a real mandate.  Lords Reform is about finding a better system for picking our peers than we have now.

The proposed voting system for the Lords is the Party List System, which is about as proportional a system as you are likely to get.  Under this system, voters choose a party instead of a particular candidate and each political party submits a ranked list of candidates to contest all national seats.   Allocating seats is very simple.  If a party gets 60% of the vote, the first 60% of  candidates on its list get elected.

The Party List system has its downsides.  It dispenses with the local constituency link and while this is not a failing of the system itself, parties have been known to front-load their lists, giving their preferred candidates a better chance of getting into Government.  What it does deliver is proportionality – the political colour of the government actually reflecting the political views of the populous.  A popularity contest, in other words.

The 2010 general election as a popularity contest

In 2010, just under 30 million people voted to return candidates for 650 seats.  If we divide the number of votes by the number of seats, a single seat can be secured with around 45K votes.   A party with 450,000 votes would get 10 seats.  A party with 9 million votes would secure 200 seats.

It’s a crude mechanism of assigning votes, but its fair – and constitutes the first round of seat allocation (see PR Seats column in table).  Divide every parties votes by 45K, and that’s the number of seats they initially have.  If someone has slightly more votes ( e.g. 475,000 ) the additional votes ( 25,000 ) do not yet count.  With this simple division, we’re able to allocate 639 of the 650 seats immediately with the 2010 figures.  That leaves us with 11 seats still to allocate.  To allocate these, I simply picked the top 11 runners up by number of votes ( closest to 45K moving downward ).  Total PR Seats represents the total number of seats per party after the remaining seats have been allocated to runners-up.

I’m cheating a little.  The “Other” block represents 7 seats, and the likelihood is that those seats would be moved around if the allocation process was more granular.  Despite my sleight-of-hand, we get an interesting look at Parliament as decided by the popular vote.

Party Seats S % Votes PR Seats Left over Runners up Total PR Seats PR S % Votes per seat
Conservative 307 47.23% 10,276,614 228 19,637 228 35% 44986.73846
Labour 258 39.69% 8,609,527 191 17,059 191 29% Number of seats
Liberal Democrats 57 8.77% 6,836,824 151 43,826 1 152 23% 650
Democratic Unionist Party 8 1.23% 168,216 3 33,255 5 4 1%
Scottish National Party 6 0.92% 491,386 10 41,518 3 11 2%
Sinn Fein 5 0.77% 171,942 3 36,981 4 4 1%
Plaid Cymru 3 0.46% 165,394 3 30,433 7 4 1%
Social Democratic and Labour Party 3 0.46% 110,970 2 20,996 10 3 0%
Green 1 0.15% 285,616 6 15,695 6 1%
Alliance Party 1 0.15% 42,762 0 42,762 2 1 0%
UK Independence Party 0 0.00% 919,546 20 19,811 20 3%
British National Party 0 0.00% 564,331 12 24,490 9 13 2%
Ulster Conservatives and Unionists 0 0.00% 102,361 2 12,387 2 0%
English Democrats 0 0.00% 64,826 1 19,839 11 2 0%
Respect – Unity Coalition 0 0.00% 33,251 0 33,251 6 1 0%
Traditional Unionist Voice 0 0.00% 26,300 0 26,300 8 1 0%
Christian Party 0 0.00% 18,623 0 18,623 0 0%
Independent Community and Health Concern 0 0.00% 16,150 0 16,150 0 0%
Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition 0 0.00% 12,275 0 12,275 0 0%
Scottish Socialist Party 0 0.00% 3,157 0 3,157 0 0%
Others 1 0.15% 321,309 7 6,401 7 1%
TOTAL VOTES CAST 29,241,380 639 650

The biggest losers under a proportional voting system are the Conservatives.  They secured 307 seats in the 2010 General Election under First-Past-The-Post.  They still come top in a popularity contest, but their share of the seats plummets from 47% to 35%.  The Liberal Democrats are the biggest winners.  They attracted 6.8m votes in 2010 – enough to secure 151 seats under a proportional system.  Under FPTP, they managed a mere 57 seats.  Labour do almost as badly as the Conservatives, losing 67 seats under a PR poll to the Tories’ 79.

It’s easy to see why the Lib Dems are miffed at the current electoral system.  The numbers they have in Parliament aren’t representative of their support in the 2010 General Election.  Their power in the coalition doesn’t reflect their mandate from the British public.  Right now, they alternate between extremely junior partners and/or whipping boys, depending on how charitable the Conservative press office is feeling at the time.

Moving away from the big three political behemoths, results get more interesting.  Something that’ll immediately leap out is the fact that under the popular vote, the British National Party would have 13 seats.  Opponents of PR often point to extremist parties like the BNP getting into Parliament as an example of why proportional representation is a bad idea.  I’m not sure I agree.  First, I’m not a fan of sweeping things under the carpet.  It’s ultimately counter-productive.  Groups like the BNP like to portray themselves as “too hot to handle” by the mainstream media.  Our present electoral system keeps them out of the political system and allows them to make such claims with some degree of justification.  Whatever.  You don’t deal with problems by ignoring them.  I have no time for the BNP or what they stand for, but over half a million people evidently do.  I’m not sure we have the right to deny them representation because we do not like their opinions.

The UK Independence Party, which currently has no representation whatsoever in Westminster, would have 20 seats under a popular vote.  The Greens would jump from their single seat to around 6.  They’re not alone.  Under a popular vote, six new political parties would have seats in the Commons.  People often bemoan the centrist shift to neo-liberalism and the lack of real choice in today’s politics, but political diversity is alive and well if you look past the seats and check out the votes, even under a flawed system like FPTP; many that are aware of the limitations of the system will vote tactically.

As a voting system, FPTP simply doesn’t carry the numbers through in a general election.  Millions voted for the Lib Dems only to see them limp into the coalition as blame-attracting lame ducks, 1.7 million people voted for parties that have no representation in Parliament at all  and if your preferred candidate failed to be returned locally, your vote and opinion is as good as wasted.  Despite what candidates for Parliament may wish to believe, the vast majority of people vote for parties and leaders in General Elections – not individual candidates.   Our present system has resulted in two parties dominating the political agenda and wreaking ideological havoc without any genuine mandate to do so.  They rather like it that way, but I’m not sure it’s healthy.

Driving the opinions of extremists underground just allows opinions to go unchallenged and get more extreme.  Permanent voter disenfranchisement can’t be good for electoral engagement either, nor is the narrow political landscape that our system produces.  A UK general election is not a popularity contest.  It really should be.

It has been quite a journey for the Conservative Party, as anyone with a working memory of the last few years can attest.  In the last days of the outgoing Labour government, the British people were the subject of a massive charm offensive from the Conservatives.

We care.  We’re not the nasty party anymore.  We’ve changed.  Look! Our leader even rides to work on a bicycle!

Two years later, the images of Cameron piloting his push-bike through Central London seem like a fevered, half-remembered dream.  To be fair to the Conservatives, they’re not even trying to be nice anymore.  I submit yesterday’s announcement concerning welfare reforms as exhibit A.

In brief, David Cameron isn’t happy with the welfare bill.  The effects of the recent cuts to services and the ongoing recession have resulted in a lot more people out of work.  The welfare bill has risen accordingly, and will continue to rise as the effects of coalition policy continue to bite.  This is pretty obvious stuff.  The result of removing jobs from the economy without replacing them is that more people will be unemployed and on benefits.

The most alarming thing about the proposals is a ban for housing benefit on under 25s.  Cameron says:-

For literally millions, the passage to independence is several years living in their childhood bedroom as they save up to move out; while for many others, it’s a trip to the council where they can get housing benefit at 18 or 19 – even if they’re not actively seeking work.

It’s a well-communicated statement that I’m sure will resonate with a lot of voters, but it leaves a lot out.  For starters, many in receipt of housing benefit are working full time jobs.  They’re receiving housing benefit because the income they received doesn’t cover the cost of living.  Then we move onto more practical matters, such as whether it’ll actually work – a case eloquently made by today’s editorial in the Guardian:-

Then there was the centrepiece of the weekend spinning – the abolition of housing benefit for the under-25s. With the cosy middle-class assumption that mum and dad can always welcome back jobless twentysomethings, this sounded like a suggestion from a gin-soaked colonel in his clubhouse. Does Mr Cameron even know that he recently legislated for cuts to force council tenants to downsize once adult children flee the nest? What about youngsters whose parents are mad, bad or dead? The PM talked about the special circumstances of foster care leavers, but what about those leaving prison? Would it be a good idea to have them roaming the streets? And what about the thousand who get the coach out of dead-end towns and find a job but don’t earn enough to put a roof over their heads without some help from the state?

The key issue here is the growing gulf between incomes and the cost of living.  The Conservative solution is to remove more income, which is about as advisable as using petrol to douse a fire.  The previous Labour government at least recognised the problem, creating Working Families Tax Credits as a solution.  That too is an admission of defeat in solving the cost of living versus income conundrum – but the policy at least tried to put people first.

These latest ideas will only be implemented in a Conservative majority government.  The Lib Dems want nothing to do with them and will not vote for them during this Parliament.  Still, I can’t help thinking that the Conservatives have continually misjudged the near-universal nature of many of their reforms.

Hopefully, the thought of seeing bedraggled children begging for food on Britain’s streets will give the United Kingdom’s voters a moment’s pause to reflect on Cameron’s terrible vision for Britain’s future.

Europclowns

Posted: June 18, 2012 in Uncategorized

I received some written communication today from Sue Roberts at Europcar.  This relates to the fortnight-long saga that began when I returned a Vauxhall Corsa to Belfast International and was charged £827 in damages ( part 1, part 2, part 3 for anyone looking to get up to speed).

Let’s start with the conclusion and work our way back:-

In conclusion and with thorough investigation of the facts, I will not be able to consider any further refund of the damage charge, however as a result of your useful feedback I have however, sent you £30 in money off vouchers as a thank you for taking the time to make us aware of your experience.

Long story short, Europcar don’t fancy giving my money back.  To be fair to them, they have attempted to justify it by printing out my terms and conditions, including these little stormers:-

You are liable for & will pay to Us (whether You were at fault or not) all reasonable costs of repair to return the Vehicle to the same condition as at the Start of Rental e.g. extra valeting, roadside assistance fees, repairs, materials/ equipment & replacement of the Vehicle.’

You acknowledge & grant permission for Us to charge any credit, charge or debit card nominated at Start of Rental (shown over) with any charges due to Us under this RA at any time during & after the Rental Period’

I like the second one best. Technically this means they can take money out of my account today if they wanted to.  This is quite interesting as there are numerous reviews on the Internet mention damage charges being taken months after the time of the rental.  Thanks to the super-efficient staff at Belfast International, this didn’t happen on this occasion.  They’d taken the £827 damage charge out of my account before I’d even embarked on my plane.  Still, food for thought.

They were also good enough to provide me a copy of the damage sheet. I have reproduced it here.

I have to say, this “proof” that I damaged the car is almost worth the £152 I’m still owed.

The car was checked by someone simply identified as “Paddy”.   It adds some nice local context, I agree – but I guess I’ve been spoiled by the practice of seeing official documents with people’s full names on them.  Whatever – Shakespeare said brevity is the soul of wit.  Let’s see what sort of a job Paddy did.

The first thing to note is that most of the form has not been filled in.   I’m willing to overlook the Customer name and Signature being blank.  I’m guessing that those are things that I’d have filled in had Paddy and I worked collaboratively on this document.  I am somewhat less forgiving about some other aspects of the documentation.

Let’s take a look at the diagram of the car  first.  My problem here is that Paddy doesn’t seem to be using the key supplied on the document.  He’s pointed to a couple of things and marked them MS and MD.  According to the key, M represents soiled and D represents dent less than 25mm width with paint damage or on swage line.  S doesn’t appear on the key at all.  So straight away, I’m a little confused.  Things don’t get any better.

Just below that, we’ve got a section marked:-

Tyre Damage YES / NO (circle)

Nothing done here.  Were the tyres damaged?  Who knows? You’d assume no, but it’s indeterminate.

Moving onto the important stuff now – things that directly affect my rental.  The date has been filled in, but Paddy has gone a bit ‘freestyle’ on the month.  It looks like a 6 drawn over a 2 twice.  It could represent a six, but it’s not actually legible.  I don’t blame Paddy for not simply starting a new Vehicle Check In Document at this point.  With so much work already achieved at this point, who would want to start again?

Time.  Blank.  One of the most important parts of the dispute, something Europcar claim happened at 17:00.  The truth is, they don’t know what time this vehicle was checked in, because Paddy didn’t write it down.

Just when you think it can’t get any better, we get to the one question that is absolutely central to this whole dispute.

Is the vehicle damaged? yes / no (circle)

I’m not an expert in booking returned hired car in, but even I know what needs to be done on that part of the form.  You just circle one or the other.  Paddy didn’t circle either.  According to that form, the question of whether that car is damaged or not is indeterminate.

So, wrapping this Vehicle Check In Document up.

  • Illegible date
  • No time
  • Describing the damage without using the key supplied on the sheet.
  • No indication of whether tyre damage had occurred
  • No indication of whether the vehicle is damaged
  • No comments provided

I’m well aware of the pressures of work, but even so, this document is a shambles.  Europcar know it, which is why they’re referring me to the most draconian sections of their terms and conditions – stuff like “you’ll pay even if its not your own fault” and “we’ll take money out whenever we like”.

I’ve commented on my pre-return ritual before, but one of the things that I just can’t let go of with regard to their alleged damage is the dent.  I have driven my own car around Northern Ireland.  There are a lot of loose stones on the road, etc.  I’ve got stonechips from those before, and I can imagine it’d be easy to get a scratch.  A dent, though?  Getting a dent normally involves hitting something.  I know that didn’t happen, which is why I’m so ardent that I didn’t cause the damage.

Could someone have hit it with their suitcase as they were walking past?  It has been described as being between 25mm and 75mm, so possibly.  The point is moot – it’s still perfectly clear from the T+Cs that I’m still liable.

The resolution that Europcar have arrived at is unacceptable.  They may have the legal clout to enforce their mandatory T+Cs, but I was assured by Sue Roberts of Europcar’s Customer Services that my case would be thoroughly investigated and that noted executives within Europcar had taken a keen interest in the case.  Whatever their investigation entailed, it clearly didn’t involve a quick eyeball of the Vehicle Check In Document.

I don’t mean to sound ungrateful, but their offer of £30 in vouchers is of no interest to me.  I have already spent (in lost income) more money than the £152 still owed just by writing these blog posts.  Not only that, but after the experience I’ve just had with the company, I have no desire to do business with them again.

Every attempt they’ve made to explain something, whether it’s the immediate £800 excess, the proof of the state of the car or their legal position – has just prompted further questions or highlighted further indifference or incompetence.

In this at least, the Vehicle Check In Document is a masterwork, and I’d really like to know how Europcar can say:-

In conclusion and with thorough investigation of the facts, I will not be able to consider any further refund of the damage charge

…when the linked Vehicle Check In Document sheet is their “proof”.

A small update on my ongoing dispute with Europcar.  Started to see some evidence of money moving around – they sent out an invoice detailing my refund as well as a replacement invoice for the amount that they claim I still owe.

A couple of interesting things to note.  Unless there’s some ravenous monster living in my inbox, the replacement invoice is actually no such thing.  The last Europcar thing to actually land in my email account before these two emails was my receipt from easyJet for the booking.

Strange that.  Looking back over all my Europcar hires, I can see that historically,  the company has been exceptionally speedy in letting me know how much money I’ve spent with them.  Earlier invoices all arrived on the day I returned the car or the day after.  So it’s a little perplexing that on this occasion, this highly disputed occasion, that the invoice wasn’t sent out immediately.

The other thing of note is the timing on the invoice.  Apparently, I booked the car in at 16:00 – a good forty minutes before I arrived at Belfast International.  I suspect that this just reflects a time extrapolated from the departure time of the flight – I was due out at 18:00 and the time on the invoice was precisely two hours earlier.

That means that officially, Europcar discovered the alleged damage forty minutes before I got there.  Think I’d have been in the Banbridge area at the time.  Hawk-eye vision from those damage-detectors up at Aldergrove!

The other possibility was that I was driving a DeLorean with a custom-built flux capacitor at 88 miles per hour.  However, I’d discount this for three reasons.  First, they’ve stopped making DeLoreans.  Second, flux capacitors are sadly fictional.  Finally, there are only about three roads in the whole of Northern Ireland where it is even possible to get up to 88 miles an hour.

I’ve written before earlier about Europcar’s failing business processes.  So far, we’ve had poor customer communication and an ostensibly inexplicable decision to charge full excess.  Now we learn that Europcar doesn’t even know what time the car was returned.

Should I fail in my bid to get the rest of my money returned, I shall be very interested in listening to the rationale behind the decision.  Europcar demonstrably can’t get the basics right.   Am I supposed to believe that their damage detection team (or whatever) is the one functioning part of their business?

Previously, on Frig Society

How to make £827 from a single sheet of A4.
How to make £152 from a single sheet of A4.